Showing posts with label Justice Thomas. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Justice Thomas. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 25, 2025

United States v. Skrmetti: Justice Thomas' concurring opinion upholding the right of state legislatures to bar treatment deemed harmful to minors

 


Six of the nine Supreme Court justices reject challenge to Tennessee law designed to "protect" minors


The United States Supreme Court has upheld the right of state legislatures to bar medical procedures used by minors, even where the minor's parents and some medical professionals believe these procedures are beneficial, based on the decision by the people's representatives that these procedures are harmful to minors. (United States v. Skfmatti (June 18, 2025) no. 23–477) found at https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/23-477_2cp3.pdf.  This issue arose when the Tennessee legislature passed a ban on a host of such treatments, including puberty-blocking drugs that altered the biological course of the affected minors, treatment rarely described in detail in the corporate media but simply herded under the banner "gender-affirming care."
 
The Sixth Circuit had found the statute constitutional and teh Supreme Court, by a vote of six to three and via an opinion written by Chief Justice Roberts, found the law at issue did not violate the Equal Protection clause of the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution.  The majority found that such a law did not require the sort of strict scrutiny analysis which is often, but not always, applied to laws that are said to discriminate against persons on the basis of race and sex.  Such a strict scrutiny analysis is crucial because governmental distinctions between citizens that are subject to this standard are "inherently suspect."
 
Rather, the Tennessee law merely had to meet the rational basis test to pass equal protection muster, meaning the statute was constitutional as long as the legislature had a rational, even if arguably incorrect, basis for enacting the law.
 
Justice Thomas' concurs and notes that regulation of medical procedures routinely and properly distinguishes between the sexes

 
Justice Thomas aptly pointed out that the Fourteenth Amendment uses much different language from that of anti-discrimination laws such as Title VI, this amendment stating simply, "no  State shall . . . deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Justice Thomas further explained that courts have held that discrimination based upon "sexual orientation" is not equivalent to that based upon "sex" itself.  However, even if one were to accept such analysis, this would not apply in the context of equal protection analysis given that, as noted above, the language in anti-discrimination statutes is different from that in the 14th Amendment.
 
Justice Thomas thus wrote that a finding that medical laws that supposedly "discriminate" against treatment for transgender minors is subject to "strict scrutiny" because such constitutes discrimination based upon "sex," would call into question much of our regulation of medical procedures, which does in fact distinguish among biological sexess:


Applying. . . such reasoning to the Equal Protection Clause would also invite sweeping consequences. Many statutes “regulate medical procedures defined by sex.” L. W. v. Skrmetti, 83 F. 4th 460, 482 (CA6 2023) (collecting examples, including laws referencing testicular and prostate cancer). If heightened scrutiny applied to such laws, then “[a]ny person with standing to challenge” such a decision could “haul the State into federal court and compel it to establish by evidence (presumably in the form of expert testimony) that there is an ‘exceedingly persuasive justification’ for the classification.” United States v. Virginia, 518 U. S. 515, 597 (1996) (Scalia, J., dissenting). Given the ensuing potential for “high-cost, high-risk lawsuit[s],” ibid., States might simply decline to adopt or enforce sex-based medical laws or regulations, even where such rules would be best medical practice. The burden of skeptical judicial review is therefore far from the “modest step” of requiring a State to “show its work” that the dissent posits. Post, at 31 (opinion of SOTOMAYOR, J.). (Skrmetti, J. Thomas concurring opinion, pp. 4-5; footnote omitted.)

 

In summary, the state law at issue more than survives the "rational basis" test, according to Justice Thomas.  Echoing the majority opinion, Thomas wrote that not only is there no clear medical consensus on "gender-affirming treatment" for minors, but he went into detail regarding what this "medical treatment" entails, noting that it includes the excision of the breasts of minors too young to legally consent to such a procedure.

 



Wednesday, August 14, 2024

Justice Thomas' Concurring Opinion in Trump v. United States - Part Two - Application to Hunter Biden's cases

 



I was recently asked if the reasoning in Justice Thomas’ concurring opinion in Trump v. United States — that Merrick Garland’s appointment of a special counsel as part of the “lawfare” against President Trump violated basic Constitutional principles — would apply to Mr. Garland’s other special counsel appointments, including the appointment of the Special Counsel regarding Huner Biden.  As outlined in my prior post on Trump v. United States, Justice Thomas aptly noted that the Constitution only permits the Congress of the United States, to create an Office of the United States.  Therefore a member of the Executive Branch, such as the Attorney General or other Cabinet officer, cannot create such an office.


Indeed, counsel for Hunter Biden has filed a brief making this argument, as noted by MSN.  This, of course, follows the dismissal of the suit against the former President for "misusing" classified documents at Mar-a-Lago, which dismissal by the District Court was based upon the analysis in Justice Thomas' concurrence.  This dismissal, of course, in turn follows the decision to not prosecute President Biden for storage of documents in his garage even though his Special Counsel found he had "willfully retained and disclosed classified materials."


I have also been asked if this reasoning would apply to past or future charges via this same sort of Special Counsel and I believe this argument, if accepted by the appellate courts, would bar the actions of the Special Counsel no matter the charges against Mr. Biden.  This would mean the appointment of the Special Counsel would be unconstitutional whether Mr. Biden is charged or convicted of lying on a firearm's application (which, even though no one should ever lie on a form signed under penalty of perjury, is a relatively minor offense) or the claim that Hunter Biden traded influence with his father, President Biden, in exchange for monies from foreign entities (the latter being a far more serious offense as it undermines the credibility of the United States).


Lastly, I have been asked why I cited to Democrat-party affiliated media such as CNN and MSNBC in my posts even though they issued multiple retractions regarding the false claim that Mr. Trump was some sort of Russian spy.  The simple fact is if I were to cite to, for example, the Wall Street Journal, which has not had to issue the same sorts of high-profile retractions, I would be accused of citing to "conservative media." So I cite to left-wing media to show there may be no denial of the facts cited.


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