Showing posts with label Justice Roberts. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Justice Roberts. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 25, 2025

United States v. Skrmetti: Justice Thomas' concurring opinion upholding the right of state legislatures to bar treatment deemed harmful to minors

 


Six of the nine Supreme Court justices reject challenge to Tennessee law designed to "protect" minors


The United States Supreme Court has upheld the right of state legislatures to bar medical procedures used by minors, even where the minor's parents and some medical professionals believe these procedures are beneficial, based on the decision by the people's representatives that these procedures are harmful to minors. (United States v. Skfmatti (June 18, 2025) no. 23–477) found at https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/23-477_2cp3.pdf.  This issue arose when the Tennessee legislature passed a ban on a host of such treatments, including puberty-blocking drugs that altered the biological course of the affected minors, treatment rarely described in detail in the corporate media but simply herded under the banner "gender-affirming care."
 
The Sixth Circuit had found the statute constitutional and teh Supreme Court, by a vote of six to three and via an opinion written by Chief Justice Roberts, found the law at issue did not violate the Equal Protection clause of the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution.  The majority found that such a law did not require the sort of strict scrutiny analysis which is often, but not always, applied to laws that are said to discriminate against persons on the basis of race and sex.  Such a strict scrutiny analysis is crucial because governmental distinctions between citizens that are subject to this standard are "inherently suspect."
 
Rather, the Tennessee law merely had to meet the rational basis test to pass equal protection muster, meaning the statute was constitutional as long as the legislature had a rational, even if arguably incorrect, basis for enacting the law.
 
Justice Thomas' concurs and notes that regulation of medical procedures routinely and properly distinguishes between the sexes

 
Justice Thomas aptly pointed out that the Fourteenth Amendment uses much different language from that of anti-discrimination laws such as Title VI, this amendment stating simply, "no  State shall . . . deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Justice Thomas further explained that courts have held that discrimination based upon "sexual orientation" is not equivalent to that based upon "sex" itself.  However, even if one were to accept such analysis, this would not apply in the context of equal protection analysis given that, as noted above, the language in anti-discrimination statutes is different from that in the 14th Amendment.
 
Justice Thomas thus wrote that a finding that medical laws that supposedly "discriminate" against treatment for transgender minors is subject to "strict scrutiny" because such constitutes discrimination based upon "sex," would call into question much of our regulation of medical procedures, which does in fact distinguish among biological sexess:


Applying. . . such reasoning to the Equal Protection Clause would also invite sweeping consequences. Many statutes “regulate medical procedures defined by sex.” L. W. v. Skrmetti, 83 F. 4th 460, 482 (CA6 2023) (collecting examples, including laws referencing testicular and prostate cancer). If heightened scrutiny applied to such laws, then “[a]ny person with standing to challenge” such a decision could “haul the State into federal court and compel it to establish by evidence (presumably in the form of expert testimony) that there is an ‘exceedingly persuasive justification’ for the classification.” United States v. Virginia, 518 U. S. 515, 597 (1996) (Scalia, J., dissenting). Given the ensuing potential for “high-cost, high-risk lawsuit[s],” ibid., States might simply decline to adopt or enforce sex-based medical laws or regulations, even where such rules would be best medical practice. The burden of skeptical judicial review is therefore far from the “modest step” of requiring a State to “show its work” that the dissent posits. Post, at 31 (opinion of SOTOMAYOR, J.). (Skrmetti, J. Thomas concurring opinion, pp. 4-5; footnote omitted.)

 

In summary, the state law at issue more than survives the "rational basis" test, according to Justice Thomas.  Echoing the majority opinion, Thomas wrote that not only is there no clear medical consensus on "gender-affirming treatment" for minors, but he went into detail regarding what this "medical treatment" entails, noting that it includes the excision of the breasts of minors too young to legally consent to such a procedure.

 



Wednesday, April 2, 2025

Opinion: Justice Roberts is Partially Right But Entirely Wrong in Making Comments that Invade "Legislative Independence"

 

 
A judiciary that values "judicial independence" must respect "legislative independence"
 
We are oft-told that unless either the Judicial or Executive Branches is a party to that particular lawsuit, lawmakers and Presidents and state Governors should not attempt to tell the Judicial Branch how they should rule in a specific instance.  This concept is usually called "judicial independence" and its justifications include the fact the judiciary operates as a separate and co-equal branch of government.

Justice Roberts recently criticized calls to impeach a trial court judge in Washington, D.C., i.e., District Court, James Boasberg,for, inter alia, his attempt to control the precise and detailed operations of the executive branch (including an order to turn around planes put in flight by the Executive Branch).  Indeed, this unconstitutional overreach was the subject of a recent congressional hearing. (See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JJ07UCK7AXk.) 
 
Justice Roberts responded to these calls for impeachment by stating the obvious, namely, that impeachment of a judge or justice is not the primary method to correct improper rulings, this being appellate review. (See  https://apnews.com/article/donald-trump-federal-judges-impeachment-29da1153a9f82106748098a6606fec39.)

 
Though Justice Roberts was correct in this respect, his comments were entirely wrong and utterly misguided in a broader sense.  Simply put, it is not proper for the Judicial Branch to tell the Legislative Branch how it may utilize the power of impeachment.  
 
This legislative power to impeach is found in Article I, Section Two, of the United States Constitution:
 
The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
 
If the judiciary should not be told or pressured as to how to rule on a specific issue or case, it follows that likewise the legislature should not be lectured as to how to exercise its own power, and, in particular, how to decide whether to impeach someone.  After all, if the judiciary is a separate, independent, and co-equal branch of government, so is the legislature.
 
Indeed, if the President is impeached by the House of Representatives, then our Constitution states the Chief Justice presides over the trial in the Senate. But this does not occur if it is a judge or justice who is impeached, and the Chief Justice therefore does not preside.  This indicates that in the case of impeachment of other persons, including judicial officers, impeachment proceeds without the participation of the Chief Justice or other members of the judiciary.
 
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